2023年长沙理工大学综合英语翻译.docx

长沙理工大学综合英语翻译 长沙理工大学综合英语翻译 unit1 笛卡尔错了：“他人在，故我在〞 According to Ubuntu philosophy, which has its origins in ancient Africa, a newborn baby is not a person. People are born without ‘ena’, or selfhood, and instead must acquire it through interactions and experiences over time. So the ‘self’/‘other’ distinction that’s axiomatic in Western philosophy is much blurrier in Ubuntu thought. As the Kenyan-born philosopher John Mbiti put it in African Religions and Philosophy (1975): ‘I am because we are, and since we are, therefore I am.’ 乌班图哲学起源于古代非洲。按照它的说法，新生儿尚不能称为“人〞。初生时，人没有自我。随着时间的推移，在互动和经验中才能习得它。因此，西方哲学中自我／他者之间清晰的分野在乌班图哲学中变得模糊起来。出生于肯尼亚的哲学家约翰·姆比蒂（John Mbiti）在著作非洲的宗教与哲学（African Religions and Philosophy）中如是说：我在，因为我们在； 因为我们在，所以我在。 We know from everyday experience that a person is partly forged in the crucible of community. Relationships inform self-understanding. Who I am depends on many ‘others’: my family, my friends, my culture, my work colleagues. The self I take grocery shopping, say, differs in her actions and behaviours from the self that talks to my PhD supervisor. Even my most private and personal reflections are entangled with the perspectives and voices of different people, be it those who agree with me, those who criticise, or those who praise me. 日常经验告诉我们，一个人一局部从社会的历练中锻造出来。社会关系赋予我们自我认知。我是谁，这个问题的答案依赖于众多他者：家庭、朋友、文化背景、同事等等。在杂货店购物的我和与博士导师交谈的我不是同一个自我。即便是私密、最个人的思绪也不同人的观点和声音纠缠在一起，无论是那些赞同我的人，还是那些批评我的人，抑或是那些赞美我的人。 Yet the notion of a fluctuating and ambiguous self can be disconcerting. We can chalk up this discomfort, in large part, to René Descartes. The 17th-century French philosopher believed that a human being was essentially self-contained and self-sufficient; an inherently rational, mind-bound subject, who ought to encounter the world outside her head with skepticism. While Descartes didn’t single-handedly create the modern mind, he went a long way towards defining its contours. 但是，自我的摇摆不定和充满歧义让人不安。很大程度上，我们可以把这份不安归因于笛卡尔。这位17世纪的法国哲学家认为，人类本质上是自给自足的； 省而理性、受其思想约束的个体，应该以疑心的态度面对他头脑之外的世界。尽管笛卡尔没有单独创造出现代思维，但他在定义其框架上起到了很大的推动作用。 Descartes had set himself a very particular puzzle to solve. He wanted to find a stable point of view from which to look on the world without relying on God-decreed wisdoms; a place from which he could discern the permanent structures beneath the changeable phenomena of nature. But Descartes believed that there was a trade-off between certainty and a kind of social, worldly richness. The only thing you can be certain of is your own cogito – the fact that you are thinking. Other people and other things are inherently fickle and erratic. So they must have nothing to do with the basic constitution of the knowing self, which is a necessarily detached, coherent and contemplative whole. 笛卡尔给自己提出了一个特别的谜团。他想要找到一种稳定的观点，而非依靠上帝赐予的智慧，来观察这个世界； 由此，他可以透过自然界中变幻莫测的现象分辨出永久性的结构。但笛卡尔认为，稳定性和来自社会的、世俗的多样性之间存在权衡关系。你唯一能确定的，就是“我思故我在〞——即，你思考的状态。其他人和其他事物是不稳定且难以预测的存在。因此，它们和认识自己的根本律条毫无关系。认识自我从来都是单独进行的，需要不断的深思。 Few respected philosophers and psychologists would identify as strict Cartesian dualists, in the sense of believing that mind and matter are completely separate. But the Cartesian cogito is still everywhere you look. The experimental design of memory testing, for example, tends to proceed from the assumption that it’s possible to draw a sharp distinction between the self and the world. If memory simply lives inside the skull, then it’s perfectly acceptable to remove a person from her everyday environment and relationships, and to test her recall using flashcards or screens in the artificial confines of a lab. A person is considered a standalone entity, irrespective of her surroundings, inscribed in the brain as a series of cognitive processes. Memory must be simply something you have, not something you do within a certain context. 在认识到精神和身体是完全独立存在的根底上，很少有备受尊敬的哲学家和心理学家被认为是个彻底的笛卡尔式的二元论者。但笛卡尔式的我思故我在目之所及，已遍布每一个角落。记忆测试的实验设计趋于从一个假说出发，即自我和世界之间是可能存在明确界限的。如果记忆仅仅存在于我们的头颅中，那么，将一个人从他的日常生活的环境和社会关系中剥离出来，并在人造的封闭实验室中使用卡片或荧幕来检测他的记忆是百分百可行的。人被视作独立的个体，区别于环绕他的一切，是在大脑中被篆刻为一系列认知过程的存在。记忆一定是你拥有的事实，而不是你在特定环境下的行为产物。 Social psychology purports to examine the relationship between cognition and society. But even then, the investigation often presumes that a collective of Cartesian subjects are the real focus of the enquiry, not selves that co-evolve with others over time. In the 1960s, the American psychologists John Darley and Bibb Latané became interested in the murder of Kitty Genovese, a young white woman who had been stabbed and assaulted on her way home one night in New York. Multiple people had witnessed the crime but none stepped in to prevent it. Darley and Latané designed a series of experiments in which they simulated a crisis, such as an epileptic fit, or smoke billowing in from the next room, to observe what people did. They were the first to identify the so-called ‘bystander effect’, in which people seem to respond more slowly to someone in distress if others are around. 社会心理学标榜自己致力于检验认知和社会间的关系。但即便如此，其研究常常假定如下主张：“询问〞这一行为，其真